Foreign Affairs: Poker Lessons From Richelieu

An incomparable diplomat, Cardinal Richelieu more nationalist than statesman or prince of the Church:

For the next two decades, Richelieu was a crucial player in French and European politics, but with his position resting on his ability to please and manipulate his vain, stubborn, and temperamental royal master — whom Blanchard nicely describes as “worn out by inner torments, military battles, and furious hunting.” As a Spanish diplomat of the time put it, Richelieu had come “closer to Jupiter, but also to his thunder.” Blanchard might have dwelt somewhat more on this fascinating relationship, in which Richelieu not only flattered the king endlessly but also made sure the monarch was surrounded by attractive young men. Above all, Richelieu became a mentor to Louis, someone able to scold the king for his shortcomings, sometimes even in public.

As Richelieu’s star and influence rose, Marie grew resentful of her former protégé, and a showdown became inevitable. On November 11, 1630, Marie exploded at the cardinal in front of the king, showering him with insults and forcing him to beg for mercy on his knees. Louis, apparently struck dumb by the outburst, left without acknowledging Richelieu, and Marie’s supporters rejoiced that their nemesis the cardinal had fallen. That evening, the king summoned Richelieu to his hunting lodge at Versailles — for his execution, the cardinal thought, assuming he had finally lost the high-stakes poker game of court politics. Overcoming his urge to flee, Richelieu obeyed the king’s command and discovered that he was in fact being restored to royal favor, in an episode that would become known as the Day of the Dupes, with Marie’s leading allies arrested instead the next morning. By 1642, Louis could write to Richelieu, “I have never loved you so much. We have been together for too long ever to be separated.”

Thus the career began.  Great read to print off for a lunch break.

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New Statesman: Atheism and Childish Certainties

Great line in The New Statesman in a review of de Botton’s Religion for Atheists:

The paradox of an immensely powerful mind mistrusting the intellect is not new. Pascal needed intellectual humility because he had so many reasons to be proud of his intelligence. It is only the illiteracy of the current generation of atheists that leads them to think religious practitioners must be stupid or thoughtless. Were Augustine, Maimonides and al-Ghazali – to mention only religious thinkers in monotheist traditions – lacking in intellectual vitality? The question is absurd but the fact it can be asked at all might be thought to pose a difficulty for de Botton. His spirited and refreshingly humane book aims to show that religion serves needs that an entirely secular life cannot satisfy. He will not persuade those for whom atheism is a militant creed. Such people are best left with their certainties, however childish.

Worth reading it all, if for no other reason than to explore de Botton’s attempts to galvanize atheism beyond something purely skeptical.

More awesome goodness here:

Atheist thinkers have rejected and at times supported religion for many different reasons. The 19th-century anarchist Max Stirner rejected religion as a fetter on individual self-assertion. Bakunin, Marx and Lenin rejected it because it obstructed socialist solidarity, while Nietzsche hated religion (specifically, Christianity) because he believed that it had led to ideologies of solidarity such as socialism. Auguste Comte, an atheist and virulent anti-liberal, attempted to create a new church of humanity based on science.

In contrast, the French atheist and proto-fascist Charles Maurras, an admirer of both Comte and Nietzsche, was an impassioned defender of the Catholic Church. John Stuart Mill – not exactly an atheist but not far off – tried to fuse Comte’s new religion with liberalism. In marrying atheism with very different ethical and political positions, none of these thinkers was confused or inconsistent. Atheism can go with practically anything, since in itself it amounts to very little.

Ouch… but witheringly accurate.

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Montaigne and Solidarity

I have recently taken a great deal of interest in the writings of Fr. Heinrich Pesch, S.J. and the principles of Catholic solidarism — namely the very economic principles that helped to liberate and then build a prosperous Poland not to mention a robust West Germany in the 1950s.  Ironically enough, both Poland and Germany weathered the Great Recession in ways that other Western markets did not (and perhaps could not by design).

So it’s with that background that I find this article on Montaigne and the principles of solidarity in the UK Guardian… at least in the twist that Marxists have imposed upon the term:

Taking an interest in others, on their own terms, is perhaps the most radical aspect of Montaigne’s writing. His was an age of hierarchy, in which inequalities of rank seemed to separate seigneurs and servants into separate species, and Montaigne is not free of this attitude; nonetheless, he is curious. It’s often said that he is one of the first writers to dwell on his own personal self; this is true but incomplete. His method of self-knowledge is to compare and to contrast; he stages differentiating encounters and exchanges again and again in the pages of his essays. Frequently he is gratified by his own distinctiveness, but almost as often, as with his cat, he is perplexed by what makes others different.

Like Holbein’s table, Montaigne’s cat was an emblem fashioned at the dawn of the modern era to convey a set of possibilities; the table represented in part new ways of making things, the cat represented new ways of living together. The cat’s backstory is Montaigne’s, and La Boétie’s, politics: co-operative life, freed of command from the top. What happened to these promises of modernity? In a pregnant phrase, the social philosopher Bruno Latour declares, “We have never been modern.” He means specifically that society has failed to come to grips with the technologies it has created; nearly four centuries after Holbein, the tools on the table remain mystical objects. As concerns co-operation, I’d amend Latour’s declaration: we have yet to be modern; Montaigne’s cat represents human capabilities society has yet to nurture.

At least, here is where Mr. Sennet and I would agree.  Technology has a funny way of advancing before we do.

…and that’s where we part, as Mr. Sennet proceeds to (rightly) attack (Marxist) solidarity:

The 20th century perverted co-operation in the name of solidarity. The regimes that spoke in the name of unity were not only tyrannies; the very desire for solidarity invites command and manipulation from the top. The perverse power of solidarity, in its “us-against-them” form, remains alive in the civil societies of liberal democracies, as in European attitudes toward immigrants who seem to threaten social solidarity, or in American demands for a return to “family values”.

Of course, the Catholic idea of “solidarity” involves none of this.  Solidarity in the Catholic sense is a sort of linkage between Chesterton’s distributist ideals and Austrian economic theory in practice.  That’s not just a difference — it’s a gulf between the Marxist variety of solidarity which lashes us all together without asking the question “quo vadis?”

Solidarity has been the left’s traditional response to the evils of capitalism. Co-operation in itself has not figured much as a strategy for resistance. Though the emphasis is in one way realistic, it has also sapped the strength of the left. The new forms of capitalism emphasise short-term labour and institutional fragmentation; the effect of this economic system has been that workers cannot sustain supportive social relations with one another. In the west, the distance between the elite and the mass is increasing, as inequality grows more pronounced in neo-liberal regimes such as those of Britain and the US; members of these societies have less and less a fate to share in common. The new capitalism permits power to detach itself from authority, the elite living in global detachment from responsibilities to others on the ground, especially during times of economic crisis. Under these conditions, as ordinary people are driven back on themselves, it’s no wonder they crave solidarity of some sort – which the destructive solidarity of “us-against-them” is tailor-made to provide.

Kinda makes you want to put your head through a wall, right?

The problem he accurately diagnoses is the form of socialism that pervades modern society.  This is not the same as solidarity — which in a Marxist sense, is a prerequisite for socialism, yet in a Catholic sense is the predication that human beings have intrinsic worth beyond the market.  In essence, while the socialist sees value in the means of production, the Catholic sees value of a priceless sort in the ends of production: namely, the human person made in the likeness and image of God.

It’s little wonder also that a distinctive character type has been bred by this crossing of political and economic power, a character type seeking to relieve experiences of anxiety. Individualism of the sort Tocqueville describes might seem to La Boétie, were he alive today, a new kind of voluntary servitude, the individual in thrall to his or her own anxieties, searching for a sense of security in the familiar. But the word “individualism” names, I believe, a social absence as well as a personal impulse: ritual is absent. Ritual’s role in all human cultures is to relieve and resolve anxiety, by turning people outward in shared, symbolic acts; modern society has weakened those ritual ties. Secular rituals, particularly rituals whose point is co-operation itself, have proved too feeble to provide that support. (emphasis added)

Of course, what’s described here is a “sense of place” as the antidote for radical individualism, a problem probably more acutely felt by Europeans but one that is disassociated entirely with the American experience.  Not quite a solution looking for a problem… but the American reader would turn his head slightly at this phrase and wonder.

Ultimately, the diagnosis is marginally correct: technological advances separate us from one another both socially and economically.  Ritual alone does not resolve this (secular or religious) — in fact, if viewed as mere social and economic problems, we never arrive at a true solution.  Human beings, while desiring a place and a belonging in the world, are also designed by nature never to be content with their station.  We are always excelling, always seeking, always creating.

In this, true solidarity embraces this and puts a value on the human person, allowing opportunities for advancement without subsidizing existence.  False solidarity rejects this and focuses on the means of production, the means of socializing, the means of economic modalities, subsidizing people without rewarding opportunity — because ultimately, those “opportunities” further the distance between haves and have-nots.  Catholic solidarity, to the contrary, asks whether the advancement of one ideally advances us all.

So long as the rights and dignity of the human person are recognized… that’s true solidarity, and we all benefit.

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WaEx: Obama sees recovery 1-2 years off

Of course Obama sees the recovery as 18-24 months in the making.  From the WaEx:

A letter provided to Washington Secrets from Obama to a long-unemployed Portland, Maine carpenter pulls back the curtain of economic hope to reveal the truth about the stagnant economy. “I won’t lie to you,” Obama penned in hand to Charles Oliver in October. “It will probably take another year or two to fully dig our way out of this hole.”

Oliver had written the president in June to ask: “Are we as Americans going to be alright?” Answered Obama, “Yes, we will be ok. Because America has gotten through tough times before, and because of good people like you.”

While happy for the response, Oliver told us that he hasn’t seen any of the recovery the president and media have been heralding. “He’s out campaigning saying everything is coming up roses. He’s a lying SOB,” Oliver said of Obama, who has tried to temper his hopefulness with cautions that the recovery could hit speed bumps.

Why?

Simple.

Credit card debt.  Most Americans are paying those bad boys off.  The economy started tanking in 2007, and with refinancing and so forth, most folks will not feel their income loosening until early 2013.

The problem?  Tax increases and the Obamacare mandate will suck in that and more by 2014 and stall the economy again… unless Congress acts to prevent it.

A quick note on these cards… most of them are typed out by a copywriter, but written by a machine that — literally — holds a pen or marker and writes out the letter.  Same with signatures… so don’t be fooled by a “hand-written” letter from the President of the United States.  That’s a bit of a shame, though — an era truly gone.

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Best National Anthem Ever…

Whitney Houston, dead at age 48.

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Romney Buys CPAC

…and this just after Public Policy Polling shows Romney getting crushed by Santorum in national polling.  From the polling data:

Part of the reason for Santorum’s surge is his own high level of popularity. 64% of voters see him favorably to only 22% with a negative one. But the other, and maybe more important, reason is that Republicans are significantly souring on both Romney and Gingrich. Romney’s favorability is barely above water at 44/43, representing a 23 point net decline from our December national poll when he was +24 (55/31). Gingrich has fallen even further. A 44% plurality of GOP voters now hold a negative opinion of him to only 42% with a positive one. That’s a 34 point drop from 2 months ago when he was at +32 (60/28).

Romney bought carried CPAC with 38%, which means (for those of us doing the math) a full 62% of the supposedly locked up “base” voted against Romney as their candidate of choice.

Ouch.

Meanwhile, Ron Paul appears to be on the verge of a make-or-break Maine primary contest after having ditched CPAC… or after having been wholesale uninvited to CPAC according to folks on the ground.

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Barack Obama (In His Own Words)

“So let’s work together to reduce the number of women seeking abortions by reducing unintended pregnancies, and making adoption more available, and providing care and support for women who do carry their child to term. Let’s honor the conscience of those who disagree with abortion, and draft a sensible conscience clause, and make sure that all of our health care policies are grounded in clear ethics and sound science, as well as respect for the equality of women.”

— President Barack Obama, 2009
Address to Notre Dame University

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Is There a Redskins Game On?

No?

Guess who’s very happy not to be watching football’s version of the Yankees and Red Sox tonight?

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Waldo Jaquith: Warren Olney is emblematic of what’s wrong with modern journalism.

A very fair point, and something that is difficult to ascertain for the listener:

On the January 1, 2010 episode of the show, the featured topic was Barbara Ehrenreich’s newest book, Bright-Sided: How the Relentless Promotion of Positive Thinking Has Undermined America. I’m a fan of Ehrenreich’s work, and she used to live in Charlottesville, so I tuned in while I was driving somewhere or another. Ehrenreich’s thesis was that a lack of critical thinking was part of what led to the collapse of Countrywide and companies like it, touching off the recession. That the people who advance and do well in those businesses were the people saying “nothing can go wrong with bundling sub-prime mortgages,” not the people saying “I think this is a bad idea, because it could end disastrously.” Olney had a few different guests on the show alongside Ehrenreich, and one of them was John Assaraf.

I’d never heard of John Assaraf before, but a mere glance at his website makes obvious that he’s a shyster. He’s in the business of taking money from suckers by selling them the message that they simply need to imagine themselves rich, and then they will be rich. Of course, somebody listening to the show wouldn’t know this about the guy. They’d only know that he’s a “business growth expert and motivational speaker,” as Olney introduced him.

So Assaraf spends a minute making outlandish, utterly unsupportable medical claims, with absolutely no education or experience that would allow him to evaluate them—sheer bullshit—all about how disease can be stopped on a cellular level by thinking happy thoughts, and that’s when we discover that Ehrenreich has a doctorate in cellular immunology. Who saw that coming? Nobody! Nobody could have! It’s astounding! But you know who doesn’t care? Olney. Not in the least. He continues his “so what’s your response?” back-and-forth between the two, never acknowledging that Assaraf has been hopeless owned by Ehrenreich, or that Olney or his produce have erred enormously in matching up a motivational speaker with a cellular immunologist to debate cellular immunology. Olney, presumably not having just fallen off the turnip truck, surely knew he was being bullshitted by Assaraf and that, by extension, his listeners were being bullshitted by Assaraf. But instead he followed his lousy script where he just has two people say their piece, and lets the listeners sort out who they agree with. But that requires honest actors, it requires evenly matched debaters, and it requires that the topic be something on which intelligent minds may disagree. This was not such a topic.

Which begs the opposite question: Why should I take Waldo’s word for it?  Why should you take my word that Waldo’s word might be suspect?

This week’s UK Economist flips the issue of trust into something called affinity fraud, where otherwise sensible people are led to believe things by people whom they inherently trust… only to be fleeced in the end:

The increase is partly a result of better detection, post-Madoff. The SEC filed more than twice as many Ponzi cases in 2010 as in 2008. The number of Ponzis exposed each month began to climb just as the financial crisis struck in 2007 (see chart). Frauds are more prone to collapse in a weak economy as investors try to pull money out to cover shortfalls elsewhere.

Bad times also make get-rich-quick schemes more tempting. Desperation breeds gullibility. The median annual return offered by scammers in the Marquet study was 38%. In a case in Montana, victims were promised 800% back in a week.

Mistrust of mainstream finance helps the scammers. The big guys on Wall Street have shown they can’t be trusted, they say; better to go with someone you know. This was part of Mr Taylor’s pitch in Georgia.

This “Mr. Taylor” would walk into a church, promise the folks in the pews that God wanted them to be rich so they could do God’s work, then sold them on a profit-making scheme… and disappeared with the cash.  Taylor is still on the run.

I’ve opined on this in the past regarding how readers should filter their information.  The blogosphere, sadly, has not improved one iota as baser instincts seem to run roughshod over information, culture, and learning.  At the end of the day, we’re all at the mercy of our prejudices, experiences, and what we know.

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Governor Abuser Fees *Loves* Chucky Schumer’s Money…

The Washington Examiner is reporting that former DNC Chairman Tim Kaine raked in $1.65 million in the last quarter of 2011, besting Allen’s $1.1 million haul by about $500K.

As for cash on hand, Kaine has $3.3 million to Allen’s $2.2 million.  Allen, not having the advantage of Organizing for America or other Obama-affiliated programs, has been spending much of their resources building the ground game necessary to fend of Tim Kaine’s Senate bid.

The kicker in all of this?  Kaine really doesn’t seem terribly focused on running a campaign for U.S. Senate, but rather is more concerned with ensuring Obama wins Virginia in the upcoming presidential contest.

How bad is it?  Kaine is still running amok in Virginia lashing his raft to Obama’s sinking ship. Crank the speakers up on this one:

“Unabashed supporter of the president.”

Wow. Betcha that will play well with independent voters, Timmay.

Despite Kaine’s efforts to drive a wedge between Allen and the Tea Party (59% of whom support Allen), Kaine is losing virtually every major demographic in Virginia needed to win on Election Day. How is Chuck Schumer’s blank check going to endear Kaine with Virginia’s hunters and firearm owners?

After all, why would anyone want to turn Governor Abuser Fees into Senator Abuser Fees?

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